At 3:54 pm Donald Trump emerged from the White House with freshly colored hair and makeup, as Marine One’s engine roared in the background. He walked directly over to the waiting press, threw his hands out in front of him, gesturing at the empty ground in front of him, while he squeezed his legs together and arched his torso forward, yelling to the reporters, “This is the way the White House is supposed to look. Not asphalt. Broken, dirty asphalt. Look at it.” He then paused, frowning as he looked over his left shoulder, and continued, “The finest stone you could buy anywhere in the world.”

The gathered press said nothing, confused by his odd behavior. The President then took three steps forward and appeared to remember why he had come outside in the first place. “Okay. So, I’m heading to Alabama, a place that I won all three times. Record votes, like Texas, like Oklahoma, like a lot of them. And we’re going to give a little speech, and I hope they like it.”

For the next 6 minutes and 52 seconds, we watched the President struggle to answer questions, follow the conversation, and even walk in a straight line. Donald Trump is gravely unwell, and whatever is behind his serious decline appears to be rapidly accelerating.

I don’t say that with any joy or pleasure. The presidency is the most important office in our government, and the entire world is at risk with him in the Oval Office. But what we are watching can’t be normalized.

Peter Doocy from Fox News started the questions by asking Donald Trump about the growing possibility of a third impeachment if Democrats take back the House, while reminding him that he’d already been impeached twice.

The President’s answer to such a serious question was to say, “Well, I don’t know, but I’m getting good at it. And… It’s a fake impeachment. And we could have done that with Sleepy Joe, but we didn’t do it because it would have been appropriate. I could have done that with Hillary Clinton, as you know. I just had the chance to do it if I wanted, and I said that would be inappropriate, but with me they like to do it.”

The President of the United States joked that being impeached had become something he was “getting good at” after having gone through it twice. His words were again slurred, making it difficult to know whether he said impeaching Biden “would have been appropriate” or “inappropriate.” He also claimed he could have impeached Hillary Clinton, even though private citizens cannot be impeached under the Constitution.

Maybe he doesn’t understand that impeachment is not a criminal charge, that it is the constitutional process used to remove a sitting president or other federal officeholder from office. It would not have applied to Hillary Clinton, and it would not have applied to Joe Biden after he left office either. Whether Trump confused impeachment with criminal prosecution or simply lost track of what was being discussed, either possibility is deeply concerning.

Regardless of how he acted, like trying to make what could happen seem like it was no big deal, he does care. This time around, he knows the consequences, including hearings and investigations, could make his life very uncomfortable. He is right to be concerned. There is a path, one I’ve talked about before, where if we achieve a blue wave of epic proportion, and every single piece lines up, this could go further than just oversight and investigations. It could lead to impeachment and removal. And if there ever were a time for that, it is now. Donald Trump loves being number one and being the first. Maybe we could actually make him the first President removed from office. It’s a long shot, and everything would have to go perfectly, but in a moment like this, we should be shooting for the stars.

When Donald Trump was asked whether it would be harder for Republicans to hold the House or the Senate, Trump answered with another non-answer: “I think it’s pretty even. I think that we’re making a lot of progress. When I go there, we win. If I don’t go there, we would not do as well.”

What we know from current polling is that right now, the odds are overwhelmingly strong that he will lose the House. The Senate, which wasn’t supposed to be in play at all, is now a real fight, with viable paths to a Democratic majority. None of this is guaranteed, and it’s important that nobody feels too comfortable in this moment, but if there are free and fair elections, things seem to be looking bad for the President and his enablers, and very good for the Constitution and the country.

He also was able to add in one of his favorite talking points: “I’m asking them to go out and vote because I’m not running. But I’m saying pretend I’m running. We want to pretend I’m running.” We all need to pretend he’s running. Because in a way, he is, or at least his unchecked power is on the ballot. When we vote against MAGA Republicans, we are voting against him, and we are voting to take away his stronghold on our country. That is what we are voting against. What we are voting for is hearings, investigations, oversight, and finally accountability. We’re voting to begin repairing the relationships he’s shattered with our allies, or at least to remind the world that we haven’t been completely taken over. And also that we have absolutely not given up. We are also voting to end the destabilization and the reckless imperialism that Donald Trump has brought to every corner of this planet. So yes, we all must pretend he’s running. Because he is.

After he said to “pretend I’m running,” he didn’t even pause for a second before immediately pointing to the construction site behind him and said, “I hope you like what you’re seeing here. That’s getting all sorts of awards. And the best of all, you see the new crane, the red, the red boom. That’s one of the biggest cranes in the world that lifts up the steel for the roof. Pretty cool, right?” In the middle of answering serious questions affecting the entire world, the President of the United States became fixated on talking about a crane.

He then turned around and faced the reporters who were all shouting questions at him. With a confused look in his eyes and his chest lurched forward, he pointed towards a member of the European press and muttered something about him always asking the same questions, and the reporter replied, “Mr. President, people believe you never get tired.”

What he said was an opening for Donald Trump to deny the very thing millions of people have spent the better part of the year watching. He then looked into the camera and said, “I never get tired. And if I got tired, it would be a big story, I can tell.”

The administration needed that question to be asked on camera because we all keep watching him fall asleep in meetings, slump over in chairs, drift off mid-sentence, and struggle to stay upright. His administration knows this is one of the most dangerous narratives building against him. They also know that their most loyal followers are willing to ignore what they can see with their own eyes as long as someone helps them commit to willful ignorance or just pretend it isn’t actually happening.

This is how authoritarian regimes manage the visible decline of their leaders. In the Soviet Union, aging, frail, and severely declining men were propped up to appear still competent and powerful while Soviet state media broadcast images of these leaders signing documents, greeting officials, and projecting normalcy, while much of the real decision-making shifted behind closed doors. The pattern holds today. The people enabling Donald Trump are trying to preserve the appearance of continuity, reassure his donors and supporters, and buy time while they prepare for what comes next. It’s also why they have J.D. Vance campaigning across the country.

The most alarming moment of Donald Trump’s time talking to reporters came when someone told the President that South Korea says it has not signed off on the Alaska pipeline deal after all and asked whether he had jumped the gun. This was after Trump had announced a new energy agreement involving South Korea. Donald Trump looked confused, like he had no idea what the reporter was talking about. He eventually answered and said, “Well, I didn’t jump the gun. I mean, they were there and they were represented and let’s see. If they don’t want to do it, that’s okay with me. I’ll just charge them more.”

The reporter tried again, reminding him that South Korea said it had never signed the agreement in the first place. Trump’s response was, “Tell them if they don’t sign shortly, I’m going to double it up. Okay.”

Trump looked directly at a reporter and asked them to tell a foreign country he was going to charge them more if they did not sign an agreement. It was completely lost on him that reporters report the news. They don’t negotiate between countries. The President of the United States actually asked a reporter to deliver a threat to a sovereign nation.

This is not some hostile government he’s threatening either. This is South Korea, one of our most important allies in the Pacific, a democracy we have defended for more than seventy years because its stability is essential to deterring one of the world’s most dangerous dictatorships just across its northern border. We need that alliance, and we need the American bases within its borders.

After that, multiple reporters tried to ask about a diesel deal with Europe, and Donald Trump confirmed that he would not be imposing an export ban and that because of steps being taken, we are going to have a “lot of oil very shortly.” Then, without fail, he returned to one of his favorite talking points: “As soon as Iran ends, which won’t be long, not going to be long, you’re going to have oil go down to the price it was before, maybe even lower than I got it at the beginning.”

This all stemmed from his threat of a diesel export ban that would have devastated European families heading into winter, families who depend on diesel to heat their homes, get to work, and simply make it through the cold months. He is now waving it away as though it was never serious in the first place. But it was serious enough to terrify an entire continent. That is how Donald Trump negotiates. He uses fuel as leverage, basic human needs as bargaining chips, and then acts as though he never meant what he said. This is un-American. It is not how we treat our allies, and it is not how we should treat our fellow human beings.

His impromptu press conference ended after he was asked about New York Governor Kathy Hochul appointing Attorney General Letitia James as a special prosecutor in the Cornell University rape case. Trump answered by saying, “Well, Letitia James is a corrupt person. She’s totally corrupt and I can’t imagine it.” Then came the most unconscionable part: “I feel badly for whoever she’s looking at because they won’t get a fair shake.”

The President of the United States said he felt bad for the men accused of committing horrific crimes against a woman who reported being sexually assaulted. He said nothing about the courage it took for her to come forward or the trauma she has endured. He felt badly for the men being investigated. That was his first reaction.

We are now just 32 days away from the most pivotal election in modern American history. We are not just voting for our country, we are voting for the entire world because what Donald Trump does echoes far past our borders. But we also have to temper our expectations because even when we take back the House, and possibly the Senate, he is not going quietly. He will push through executive orders at a pace we haven’t seen. The people behind him, the ones who are smarter and more calculating than he is, who are already parading J.D. Vance across the country as his eventual replacement, have everything to lose too. They are planning for their own survival. We need to be ready for whatever is to come. We need to protect our access to vote, and then protect the actual count of our ballots, while also preparing for an extended fight to make sure the new Congress is actually seated.

Just after midnight this morning, Donald Trump posted this on Truth Social: “America does not belong to those who hate it. America belongs to those who love it. President Donald J. Trump.”

America does belong to those who love it. This country belongs to us. And in 32 days, we’re going to prove it. That’s why I still have hope for America. And you should, too.

I’ll see you tomorrow,

Heather

 

I've had severe mental health problems since I was a teenager. I cover it all up and pretend to be human in public and I'm barely functioning to non functioning in private. I am a terrible partner... completely disappointing...not as advertised. I haven't been able to work a normal job except for 7 years of my life...I turned 51 on Sunday ..and haven't had a regular job in 18 years. I have trouble being around people...it's very hard for me to keep close friends. I've been trying to get this figured out for 30 years. 2 months ago I was losing my mind...complete breakdown...screaming at the wall cause I can't deal with figuring out what to cook the kids for dinner, crazy. Unable to deal with anything...non stop panic attacks... desperate . Appointments and calls with doctors...Crisis lines...end up in the psych ward...no help, shown the back door. So here we are. Apparently I'm not screaming at the wall crazy anymore...as of 2 days ago...I'm 7 dudes with machine guns surrounding my house, tactical vehicles on my lawn and the street blocked off for 3 hours, crazy. Everything is backwards and broken... Victoria fucking sucks... I finally got to talk to a couple of doctors though and they were probably more helpful than all the doctors and therapists I've seen over the past 30 years. It's just too bad that I had to come into the hospital in cuffs after a bunch of armed assholes sat outside my house for 3 hours.

 

 

 

 

Georgia judge ordered Atlanta's Black Shriners to stop wearing the fez. Shriners are Freemasons known for that brimless red hat. In 1915 a paper outside Atlanta told readers it was now unlawful for any Black person in Georgia to use the Shriners' name or fez. The Black Shriners' local chapter, called a temple, had about ninety members, and the white temple that sued would soon have nearly five thousand. So who was going to pay to fight it? The fight started on Monday, August 17, 1914, when Forrest Adair went to court in Atlanta. Adair was the head of Yaarab, the city's white temple. Black Masons had their own Shrine brotherhood, and its Atlanta temple was called Rabban. Adair's suit named Rabban's potentate, or head, Charles Faison. Faison had gone to work in a barbershop as a boy of about ten, and he would stay at that shop nearly fifty years. In May 1914, three months before the suit, the white Shriners had held their national convention in Atlanta. A white newspaper explaining the suit wrote that after the convention, the city's Black Shriners had become "offensively conspicuous." Being seen was the whole offense. Adair and six other white Shriners asked the court to stop Rabban from using the words Shriner and potentate. They even wanted Rabban barred from its own name, which was also a title for Shrine officers. The white men wanted the regalia stopped too, meaning the fez and the rest of the ceremonial dress. Their petition said all of it was too much like the white temple's. Who in Atlanta could judge a fight with the white Shriners? The suit had been filed in the Superior Court, the county's main trial court. Every one of its judges was a Shriner or had family in the white temple. The case went to a judge from outside the city, from the Blue Ridge Circuit north of Atlanta. On Thursday, December 17, 1914, the Black temple's lawyers told him their clients were not ready. The white side insisted on a hearing right away or a temporary ban. He issued the temporary ban that same day. Rabban was founded in 1908, and it took a court one Thursday to start telling its men what they could no longer wear. On January 18, 1915, the judge kept the ban in place until a trial could be held. Rabban's men could no longer call themselves nobles, the Shrine's word for its members. Their temple could no longer call itself a Shrine temple. Four days later, the paper in Marietta, a town northwest of Atlanta, spelled out what the ban meant for Black Shriners across Georgia. Each member had to get rid of his pins, his regalia and his uniform. In the spring of 1915, the Black temple's appeal reached the Georgia Supreme Court. The court's official reports even got Faison's name wrong, spelling it Faisan. Three of its justices had to step aside, two of them with ties to the white temple. One was a member himself. The other was brother-in-law to Georgia's governor, another member. In March 1916, with substitute justices sitting in, the Georgia Supreme Court let the Blue Ridge judge's ban stand until the trial. Its opinion said the white Shriners did not even have to show they had lost a dollar. By the summer of 1916, Rabban was down to twenty-seven men. The few who stayed had paid four thousand dollars toward the lawyers out of their own pockets. Many who could have paid the most had walked away rather than pay their share. That August, Faison carried the fight to Chicago, to the national meeting of the Black Shriners. A young Mason named W. C. Kilpatrick went with Faison, paying his own way. John Wesley Dobbs made the trip too. Dobbs would one day lead the Prince Hall Masons of Georgia, a Black Masonic order. The Georgia men made their plea. Then Eugene Phillips of New York, a past national head, said the Black Shriners should not fight for so small a group. Phillips moved that Rabban's last members join the nearest temples in other states. Somebody seconded it at once. Two years and four thousand dollars, and now the national body was being asked to walk away. A visiting committee from the Knights Templar, another Masonic order, had been seated beside the chairman. One of its members was Charles A. Cottrell of Toledo, Ohio, himself a Black Shriner. Cottrell now stood, told the room he was a constitutional lawyer and spoke for about seven minutes. He reminded them what the Georgia temple had carried alone for two years. The fight, he said, should have been theirs from the start. Then Jake Wright, another past national head, handed over a personal check for five hundred dollars to start a defense fund. Nothing more was heard of Phillips's motion. The fight went on. In May 1917, the trial finally came, and a jury in Atlanta made the ban permanent. The jury decided that Rabban's men wore the same badges and used the same titles as the white Shriners. In September 1918, the Georgia Supreme Court let the verdict stand. Rabban's men had now lost at every step in Georgia, and their temple could no longer meet as a Shrine. Next, the white Shriners went to court in Houston, Texas. On December 14, 1918, the white temple in Houston sued the Black temple there, which had opened the year before. This suit went after the whole Black Shrine, about nine thousand men in seventy-six temples. The Texas trial court gave the white Shriners everything they asked for, and it called the Black Shriners' copying a fraud. On paper, its ban bound every Black Shriner in North America. The fight had begun against one small temple in Atlanta. In 1925 a Texas appeals court upheld that ruling. The state's highest court did too, and the Black Shriners took the case to the United States Supreme Court. Through the 1920s, the Black Shriners kept holding national meetings, with members parading in costume in 1927. It isn't clear how far outside Texas anyone tried to enforce the ban. In January 1928, lawyers argued the case before the Supreme Court. The record they brought showed what the white Shriners had known, and for how long. In 1894 the white Shriners' own national leader had complained about Black groups that "pirated our title." Then the white Shriners waited twenty years before suing in Atlanta. The record also held testimony from the Texas trial. Some of it came from a life member of the white Shriners. The witnesses said much of what the Black Shriners wore had been bought from or through white Shriners. In a city the record doesn't name, a white temple that was moving sold its old regalia to the local Black temple. White Shriners had sold them the regalia, and white Shriners had taken them to court for wearing it. On June 3, 1929, the Supreme Court reversed the Texas ruling. Justice Willis Van Devanter wrote that the white Shriners had "silently stood by for many years." The Court ruled that the white Shriners had waited too long. It also found no fraud, since the Black Shriners had always presented themselves as separate from the white ones. Nearly fifteen years after the first suit in Atlanta, the Black Shriners had won. That win came in the Texas case, not in Atlanta's. No record shows that it lifted Georgia's old ban on Rabban. On a Monday in February 1936, Charles Faison, Rabban's old potentate, served on a federal grand jury, the panel that decides who gets charged. That evening Faison was at a board meeting of the barbershop company he now ran, where he had worked since boyhood. He collapsed there and died at the hospital, at about sixty. A Georgia court had once told Faison what he could not wear. On the last day of his life, a federal court had seated him on a grand jury. Five months later, Atlanta's Black Shriners had a temple again. John Wesley Dobbs, who had made the Chicago trip with Faison, brought it back with forty-one new members, according to the temple's own history. The temple came back with a new name, too. The old name was the one the white Shriners had gone to court to take away. Rabban became Nabbar. By July 1937, Nabbar had taken in sixteen new men on a single Sunday and counted seventy members in all. That month Dobbs told an Atlanta paper the Texas fight had cost more than seventy thousand dollars. In an account published in 1975, Kilpatrick, the young Mason from the Chicago trip, named dozens of men who had kept the fight alive. Two stood above the rest: Cottrell, the Toledo lawyer, and Wright, who wrote the first check. Kilpatrick asked the Black Shriners to bow their heads for those two at their national meetings. Of his own part, Kilpatrick wrote, "I do not ask for any recognition for myself." Nabbar, spelled backward, still says Rabban, the name its last twenty-seven men paid to defend.

 

hardly believable your followers may all be idiots but the rest of us know this was all fake to make people sympathize with him to vote him in CIA is master at street theatre and this was all a gigantic satanic illusion crooks does not even exist

 

 

 

What to know about Hegseth’s new office of religious affairs

What to know about Hegseth’s new office of religious affairs: “Our department is, you might say, putting on the full armor of God.”

 

 

 

 

He would send a completely innocent person to prison his whole staff just saying they lie endlessly he is the father of lies the most unclean

 

Possible pay scale for gang stalkers. Please keep in mind that this is a illegal, criminal program, so this info is put together by accounts of those targeted by the program and those who are whistleblowing on the program